A Black Family’s Home was Too Close to a White School. So D.C. Took it in 1931.

 

A documentary Diminished Returns: The Black Wealth Gap in Washington, D.C. has been released examining the travails of the Black Julien family and similar stories to explain the huge wealth gap between Black and White Washington. The film was written and directed by Dr. Sabiyha Prince and executive produced by Temi F. Bennett. The documentary, which debuted in the District in 2024, is a product of iF, A Foundation for Radical Possibility. The documentary features District leaders such as D.C. Councilmember Kenyan McDuffie (I-At Large), historian G. Derek Musgrove, and anti-mass incarceration activist Tony Lewis Jr., talking about how the racial wealth gap negatively impacts Blacks economically, politically, and socially.

The Black Julien family - direct descendants of George and Martha Washington’s enslaved maid - had 0.38 acres of land and a house on Broad Branch Road in Northwest Washington. In the spot where it once stood is now a basketball court. It was taken from the family by the federal government’s D.C. Commission in 1931. Because they were Black. “The Presence of this house, with its colored occupants, so close to a white school is a source of possible friction that is thought desirable to remove,” Assistant Engineer Commissioner H.L. Robb explained in the Evening Star.  They were not evicted because the new School needed the space: the new all-White Lafayette School was nearly constructed when the family was told to leave, and it was made clear why. This was the end of Chevy Chase as a thriving Black neighborhood.

The filmmakers examine the way these forced evictions and continuing housing discrimination have left the District’s White households with 81 times the median savings and assets as its Black households, a 2016 report showed. “It’s happening all over the country,” said Prince. “It’s repeated, and it has devastating impacts on the economies of Black households and what they can hand down to their progeny moving forward, right? Because that’s a key way in which people accumulate wealth, through inheritances,” Prince said. History and data show that lack of consideration for equity over centuries created the wealth gap. 

The film makes the argument for giving reparations to families such as the Juliens in D.C. to right this wrong. And the filmmakers believe the nation’s capital is the best place to do this because there is a precedent. On April 16, 1862, President Abraham Lincoln signed the “Act for the Release of certain Persons held to Service or Labor within the District of Columbia.”  That paid former enslavers $300 for every person who was emancipated - 3,100 in total. That cost the U.S. government $930,000, almost $30 million today.

In total, the Julien family was forced out three times. In addition to the Broad Branch Road incident, Black homes part of “Freedman’s Village,” built for emancipated people to restart their lives in 1863, were seized in 1900 with the land incorporated into Arlington National Cemetery. Another was after Julien’s family moved to Irving Street in Northwest Washington but was displaced when a school was built there, Julien said in an oral history interview with the Historic Chevy Chase D.C. The historic society currently has an educational project "Black Land Loss: Chevy Chase DC in the Arc of American History: Tracing a Black Enclave from the 18th to the 21st Centuries."

When the Diminished Returns documentary was being made in 2023, the D.C. Council was getting ready to act on landmark legislation, the “Reparations Foundation Fund and Task Force Establishment Act,” that would create a group to study reparation proposals. Renamed the “Insurance Database Amendment Act,” it is not yet codified but projected to become effective on March 6, 2025.

Read the February 28, 2025 Washington Post article.

Read the December 4, 2024 Washington Informer article.

Obituary: Thomas Gaither, Who Chose Jail After Civil Rights Sit-ins, 86

 

One year after the sit-in movement that began at a whites-only lunch counter in Greensboro, N.C., in 1960 and spread to other cities, stimulating the nation’s conscience over racial segregation, was in danger of losing momentum. In Rock Hill, S.C., local businesses still refused to integrate, despite the sit-ins, and local news no longer covered them. Then, in 1961, a 22-year-old organizer, Thomas Gaither, introduced a new tactic. In the next sit-in, at the lunch counter of a McCrory’s dime store in Rock Hill, Black students led by Gaither were dragged off counter stools by police officers. But this time, instead of paying a $100 trespassing fine as earlier protesters did, they chose to serve 30-day sentences on the county chain gang. Their “jail no bail” tactic dramatized their moral commitment and changed the direction of the civil rights movement. Within days, protesters in other cities followed suit, their imprisoning drawing more attention and protests. The choice of jail, historian Taylor Branch wrote in Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-63 (1988), was “an emotional breakthrough for the civil rights movement” because it dramatized protesters’ willingness to pay a real price for their convictions.

A little-sung catalyst of the civil rights protests of the 1960s, Gaither was one of the activists who, driven by high moral purpose, peacefully put their bodies on the line to fight racial discrimination. Those actions helped bring about historic federal laws to end legal segregation and ensure voting rights.

At Claflin College, an all-Black institution in Orangeburg, S.C., he was president of the youth chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. In March 1960, he was co-leader of a march of 1,000 students protesting segregated businesses. The peaceful Orangeburg marchers were attacked with fire hoses and tear gas, leading to 388 arrests. Many were held in a stockade meant for cattle, where they sang “God Bless America.”

As a field secretary by the Congress of Racial Equality, which used nonviolent direct action to fight segregation, Gaither was sent to organize in Kentucky, California, and Arizona. Ahead of the “jail no bail” sit-in in Rock Hill, on January 31, 1961, he helped train the protesters, eight students from Friendship Junior College. He and the students were known as the Friendship Nine after choosing to serve jail sentences. “The amazing thing about the Friendship Nine,” he added, “was that we took essentially a group of college students who had no knowledge at all of tactical nonviolence and we pulled off one of the most important protest events of the movement.”

Several months later, Gaither and fellow CORE organizer Gordon Carey both read a biography of Mahatma Gandhi, the apostle of nonviolent protest, and developed the idea for the first Freedom Ride: an integrated group of activists who would take a bus trip from Washington through the Deep South. The idea was to dramatize the refusal of Southern states to comply with US Supreme Court rulings that segregated interstate buses and terminals were unconstitutional. In May 1961, CORE national director James Farmer led the first Freedom Ride, with 13 white and Black passengers, including the future congressman and civil rights advocate John Lewis.

In Alabama, the CORE activists were arrested and beaten by white mobs led by the Ku Klux Klan. The commercial buses they rode in were firebombed. The police abetted the violence, and hospitals refused to treat bloodied victims. National publicity drew hundreds more activists, who made dozens of Freedom Rides crisscrossing the South through 1961. The violence shocked the nation, no less because of the complicity of the Southern authorities in allowing it to happen in defense of Jim Crow laws.

Gaither was not on the original Freedom Ride in May 1961; he was scouting the route and contacting local supporters to house the riders. He was staying at the home of the civil rights leader the Rev. Ralph David Abernathy in Montgomery, Alabama, on May 20 when riders arriving at the Greyhound station there were beaten with baseball bats and iron pipes. The next night, more than 1,500 people went to Abernathy’s church to hear the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. speak as a rock-throwing white mob surrounded the building. Dr. King called on Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy to send federal protection.

He later became a professor of biology in 1968 at Slippery Rock University (Pennsylvania), and taught there for 38 years before retiring in 2007.

In his later years, Gaither felt that the civil rights movement had profoundly changed America, but also that the structures of racism had remained in his native South. “No question, the South has changed tremendously,” he said in 2011. “But the fundamental infrastructure of racism and segregation that called the shots in the South in 1960 are still in place. They have slightly different labels, they accomplish their goals by slightly different means, but there has been no real fundamental shift in who really calls the signals.”

Read the January 24, 2025 New York Times obituary.

Listen to a 2011 Library of Congress Oral History Interview with Thomas Gaither.

BOOK REVIEW: "The Black Butterfly: The Harmful Politics of Race and Space in America" Examines Baltimore's Segregation

The Black Butterfly: The Harmful Politics of Race and Space in America by Lawrence T. Brown. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022. 384 pages. Paperback. $19.95.

This best-selling book looks at how American cities can promote racial equity, end redlining, and reverse the damaging health- and wealth-related effects of segregation. It was the winner of the IPPY Book Award Current Events II by the Independent Publisher, and a Finalist for the Pattis Family Foundation Global Cities by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs.

Amazon.com's description:

"The world gasped in April 2015 as Baltimore erupted and Black Lives Matter activists, incensed by Freddie Gray's brutal death in police custody, shut down highways and marched on city streets. In The Black Butterfly - a reference to the fact that Baltimore's majority-Black population spreads out like a butterfly's wings on both sides of the coveted strip of real estate running down the center of the city - Lawrence T. Brown reveals that ongoing historical trauma caused by a combination of policies, practices, systems, and budgets is at the root of uprisings and crises in hypersegregated cities around the country.

Putting Baltimore under a microscope, Brown looks closely at the causes of segregation, many of which exist in current legislation and regulatory policy despite the common belief that overtly racist policies are a thing of the past. Drawing on social science research, policy analysis, and archival materials, Brown reveals the long history of racial segregation's impact on health, from toxic pollution to police brutality. Beginning with an analysis of the current political moment, Brown delves into how Baltimore's history influenced actions in sister cities such as St. Louis and Cleveland, as well as Baltimore's adoption of increasingly oppressive techniques from cities such as Chicago. But there is reason to hope. Throughout the book, Brown offers a clear five-step plan for activists, nonprofits, and public officials to achieve racial equity. Not content to simply describe and decry urban problems, Brown offers up a wide range of innovative solutions to help heal and restore redlined Black neighborhoods, including municipal reparations. Persuasively arguing that, since urban apartheid was intentionally erected, it can be intentionally dismantled, The Black Butterfly demonstrates that America cannot reflect that Black lives matter until we see how Black neighborhoods matter."

Go to The Black Butterfly: The Harmful Politics of Race and Space in America book's website.

Listen to a 2020 America Walks interview/webinar with Lawrence T. Brown.

Book Review: "Before Gentrification: The Creation of DC's Racial Wealth Gap"

Before Gentrification: The Creation of DC's Racial Wealth Gap by Tanya Maria Golash-Boza. University of California Press, 2023. 311 pages. Paperback. $27.95.

Amazon.com's description: 

"Before Gentrification shows how a century of redlining, disinvestment, and the War on Drugs wreaked devastation on Black people and paved the way for gentrification in Washington, DC. Golash-Boza tracks the cycles of state abandonment and punishment that have shaped the city, revealing how policies and policing work to displace and decimate the Black middle class.

Through the stories of those who have lost their homes and livelihoods, she explores how DC's "troubling history makes clear that the choice to use prisons and policing to solve problems faced by Black communities in the twentieth century—instead of investing in schools, community centers, social services, health care, and violence prevention—is what made gentrification possible in the twenty-first. Before Gentrification unveils a pattern of anti-Blackness and racial capitalism in DC that has implications for all US cities."

This book is a personal project: as Golash-Boza states, “I have a personal investment in understanding how and why my neighborhood became plagued by violence, why so many of my childhood friends were murdered, why a generation of Black boys and men was put behind bars, and why so few of my childhood friends can afford to live in the neighborhood where we were raised” (p. 24). 

Regarding the book's reception, Golash-Boza posted in her Twitter (X) account: "I just read the first published review of Before Gentrification and it's a good reminder my book is not for everyone. The book clearly generates a different response in different readers - and that's fine. So far, the audience I most wanted to reach has responded positively."

Read the abstract of the book review in the December 2024 Social Forces. 

Read the December 2023 Twitter (X) post.

New Book "Slow and Sudden Violence" Treats Baltimore's Real Estate History

Derek Hyra, Slow and Sudden Violence: Why and When Uprisings Occur. University of California Press, 2024. 365 pages. Paperback. $29.95.

To Hyra in his new book, "equitable development involving residents of affected communities is essential to avoid continual displacement, increasing segregation, and social unrest." The Amazon.com description: 

"In Slow and Sudden Violence, Derek Hyra links police violence to an ongoing cycle of racial and spatial urban redevelopment repression. By delving into the real estate histories of St. Louis and Baltimore, he shows how housing and community development policies advance neighborhood inequality by segregating, gentrifying, and displacing Black communities. Repeated decisions to “upgrade” the urban fabric and uproot low-income Black populations have resulted in pockets of poverty inhabited by people experiencing displacement trauma and police surveillance. These interconnected sets of divestments and accumulated frustrations have contributed to eruptions of violence in response to tragic, unjust police killings. To confront American unrest, Hyra urges that we end racialized policing, stop Black community destruction and displacement, and reduce neighborhood inequality."

Hyra is Professor of Public Administration and Policy and founding director of the Metropolitan Policy Center at American University.

Read the December 12, 2024 NCRC article.

Thelma Jean Mothershed Wair, One of the Little Rock Nine, 83.

Thelma Jean Mothershed Wair was a member of the Little Rock Nine, the African-American students involved in the desegregation of Little Rock Central High School in 1957. The world watched as they braved constant intimidation and threats from those who opposed desegregation of the formerly all-white high school. Mothershed was a junior when she entered Central. Despite the fact that she had a cardiac condition since birth, she had a near perfect record for attendance.

Mothershed attended Dunbar Junior High School and Horace Mann High School before transferring to Central High. Despite daily tormenting from some white students at Central High, she completed her junior year at the formerly all-white high school during the 1957-58 year. The students who integrated Central High School were known as the Little Rock Nine.

For three weeks in September 1957, Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus used the National Guard to block the Black students from enrolling in Central High. This was three years after the U.S. Supreme Court declared segregated classrooms were unconstitutional. In response to Faubus' actions, President Dwight D. Eisenhower sent members of the Army’s 101st Airborne Division to escort the students into school on September 25, 1957.

Because the city’s high schools were closed the following year, Mothershed earned the necessary credits for graduation through correspondence courses and by attending summer school in St. Louis, Missouri. She received her diploma from Central High by mail. Mothershed graduated from Southern Illinois University at Cabondale in 1964 with a BA in home economics and earned her MS in Guidance and Counseling Education in 1970; in 1985, she received an administrative certificate in education from Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville. She taught home economics in the East St. Louis school system for twenty-eight years.

Mothershed Wair also worked at the Juvenile Detention Center of the St. Clair County Jail in St. Clair County, Illinois, and as an instructor of survival skills for women at the American Red Cross Shelter for the homeless. During the 1989-90 school year, the East St. Louis chapter of the Top Ladies of Distinction and the early childhood/pre-kindergarten staff of District 189 honored her as an Outstanding Role Model.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) awarded her and the other Little Rock Nine, along with Daisy Bates, the prestigious Spingarn Medal in 1958. In 1999, President Bill Clinton presented the nation’s highest civilian award, the Congressional Gold Medal, to the members of the Little Rock Nine.

Image Credit: Office of U.S. Rep Vic Snyder (D-Arkansas), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

Read the October 28, 2024 Encyclopedia of Arkansas article.

Read the October 21, 2024 Associated Press (AP) article.

HUD Study Finds "White Flight" Continues to Worsen Residential Segregation

HUD's research publication PD&R Edge has just published the results of two surveys examining recent White Flight migration. “Validating the White Flight Hypothesis: Neighborhood Racial Composition and Out-Migration in Two Longitudinal Surveys” uses data from two longitudinal surveys, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), to compare probabilities of neighborhood out-migration for Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians by neighborhood racial and ethnic composition. “White flight,” or the tendency of White households to move out of neighborhoods as the proportion of racial and ethnic minorities living in the neighborhood increases, is a basic assumption of theories of racial and ethnic residential segregation. Few studies, however, have empirically tested this assumption, with those that have relying almost entirely on PSID. Although PSID is a rich source of longitudinal data on the sociodemographic and economic characteristics of U.S. households, it is based largely on a sample of households originally drawn in the 1960s and their descendants. While research using PSID data has consistently confirmed that White households frequently move out as the number of minorities in a neighborhood increases, these studies examine the post-1960s period of increasing racial and ethnic diversity.

Findings

The researchers found that, for White households, the likelihood of out-migration increases as neighborhood minority shares grow. The trend is most apparent in predominantly White neighborhoods  - that is, when the percentage of minorities (non-White residents) in a neighborhood increases from 0-20%. Because most White households live in neighborhoods with few minorities, this finding suggests that in predominantly White neighborhoods, small increases in the share of minority residents can spur out-migration for some White households. In neighborhoods in which the minority share exceeds 20%, the rate of out-migration was slower. When the researchers examined Whites' responses to neighborhood proportions of Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians alone rather than the minority population as a whole, the results were similar: as neighborhood shares of each group increased from 0 to 20%, White households were more likely to out-migrate.

The studies' research also found that out-migration of Black households increases as the neighborhood share of Hispanic residents rises from 0 to 20%. Also, there was increasing out-migration of Hispanic households as Black neighborhood shares increased. Finally, it was found that the mobility behaviors of Asian households are largely indifferent to neighborhood racial composition.

Conclusions

The research highlights the continued important determining role of race in the migration decision making process and the broader spatial foundations that shape inequality and mobility. 

Earlier work appearing in PD&R Edge documented the difficulties HUD’s housing assistance programs have encountered in reducing racial and ethnic segregation. While housing assistance programs have successfully improved neighborhoods and the lives of individuals receiving assistance, these programs have not significantly reduced racial and ethnic segregation. 

This research found that additional barriers to efforts to reduce residential segregation are:

(1) The active resistance of some White households, who may resort to moving to new neighborhoods to avoid living with minorities. 

(2)  The tendency for minorities to  avoid neighborhoods predominantly occupied by other minorities. 

Therefore, "White flight” and minority neighborhood avoidance combined with discrimination in the search for housing, differential access to credit, and restrictive zoning laws are significant obstacles for HUD to achieve the stated goals of the AFFH, namely reduced racial and ethnic residential segregation. 

Read the May 14, 2024 HUD User article.

Bazelon Center Celebrates Critical Civil Rights Protections for People with Disabilities in New HHS Rule

 

The Bazelon Center commends the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services (HHS) for issuing the new Section 504 Final Rule, Discrimination on the Basis of Disability in Health and Human Service Programs or Activities.   The rule updates and strengthens the lead regulation implementing Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, a federal law that prohibits disability-based discrimination in federally funded health and human service programs and activities, including in healthcare and child welfare programs. The HHS Section 504 rule incorporates the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Olmstead v. L.C. (Lois Curtis) that people with disabilities have a right to live and receive services in their homes and community and to be free from segregation and unnecessary institutionalization. It also explains how this mandate applies in the child welfare system.   “HHS’ new Section 504 rule updates and clarifies federal disability rights regulations that had not been updated since the 1970s,” explained Bazelon Legal Director Megan Schuller. “The new rule is an important step towards realizing the promise of these laws to eradicate disability discrimination in all its forms, including the continued isolation and unnecessary institutionalization of people with mental disabilities.”   Last fall, the Bazelon Center co-authored coalition comments with members of the Consortium for Constituents with Disabilities (CCD) that responded to HHS’ then-proposed Section 504 rule. The comments included key Bazelon Center priorities. Bazelon led coalition efforts to ensure the full integration of people with disabilities in the community and to advance the rights of children and parents with disabilities in the child welfare system. We are pleased to see our recommendations reflected in the rule.   Responsive to feedback from Bazelon and partners, the rule defines “most integrated setting” broadly. This updated definition aligns with longstanding Department of Justice Olmstead guidance, as well as widely accepted Key Principles for Community Integration for People with Disabilities. The rule also recognizes that an entity’s practices, as well as its policies, can result in segregation, and that settings like group homes that are located in the community can still be segregated and discriminatory.   The rule also requires child welfare agencies to place children with disabilities in the most integrated setting and prohibits “the unnecessary or unjustified segregation of children with disabilities, such as default placement in institutional or other congregate care,” which “should never be considered the most appropriate long-term placement for children.” Children with disabilities must be supported to live in the most integrated setting, which “is almost always the family home or a foster care setting.”   In response to our comments, HHS also made explicit that Section 504 applies to family preservation services and reunification efforts and that parenting assessments must be individualized and measure parenting ability, not a parent’s disability. The final rule was officially published today.   Please join us in sharing this critical information, and in ensuring that the promise of Section 504 and the ADA is fully realized.   Read the Bazelon Center’s summary and analysis of key provisions. Read the Final Rule, which will take effect on July 8, 2024. Read the Final Rule Fact Sheet, which summarizes key updates. Learn more about the protections of Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act.